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Church History in Chunks – Part 9: Praying to Saints

Another often cited counter is that the fathers were only warning against worshipping creatures other than God. Praying to pagan idols was a worship problem, not an invocation problem. But the word for prayer in the New Testament is the same one used in the patristic warnings:

προσεύχομαι
pro-SYOO-kho-my

If they were concerned with worship, they would have used the word for worship. Which is the same one used in the New Testament warnings to not worship anything other than God:

λατρεύω
la-TREH-oo-oh
ἐπικαλέω / ἐπικαλοῦμαι
eh-pee-ka-LEH-oh / eh-pee-ka-LOO-my

Although the tomb of Peter is from the first century, Margherita Guarducci — one of the Vatican’s chief archaeologists — dates(1) this inscription to somewhere between 270-319 AD because the lettering style is of the early fourth century and the inscription’s location is not at the original grave but on an adjacent red plaster wall that was added in late third century.

Hippolytus of Rome, author of the Apostolic Traditions (~215 AD) and others such as Commodianus and Arnobius of Sicca, condemned the pagan practice of contacting the departed, calling it sorcery.

In the early fourth century, Lactantius writes:

In the above writings, Lactantius is speaking about pagan worship of the dead, not directly warning against Christian invocation. At its weakest, this is continued silence about praying to departed saints, at its strongest it constitutes a broader rejection of the practice of praying to the dead. In either case, the passage provides no positive evidence that Christians of Lactantius’s period were invoking departed saints.

Again, the straight line of doctrine for prayer being to God alone continues all the way through to the Council of Nicaea in 325 AD.

Following Constantine’s legalization of Christianity in 313 AD, the construction of churches and shrines associated with martyrs expanded dramatically and became increasingly public and institutionalized. Around 370 AD, at a dedication to the shrine of Christian martyr St. Julitta, Basil of Caesarea stated:

This is among the earliest clear and unambiguous statements from a major Church Father explicitly commending the martyrs as helpers of those who call upon them.Yet, instead of a wholesale acceptance of this new practice, a debate emerged among the ranks of the Fathers in this post-Nicene period. To Basil’s side flocked notable allies such as Gregory Nazianzen, Gregory of Nyssa and Cyril of Jerusalem. And forming an opposition were heavy weights such as Aerius of Sebaste, Vigilantius of Calagurris, Eusebius and Augustine.

Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, is known as the “Father of Church History” because he compiled the earliest and most comprehensive history of the first 300 years of Christendom. Although he wrote his doctrine of prayer decades before Basil’s homily, he echoed the Apostolic Fathers’ formula:

Eusebius never instructs the church to address requests to the dead. What he does throughout the early fourth century is teach :

(a) worship and pray to the Father through the Word as High Priest

(b) love and celebrate the memory of martyrs

(c) honor of their bones and sites

(d) intercession is asked of living bishops only

Eusebius copies the celebration and veneration of martyrs’ bones and burial sites from the mid-2nd century text “Martyrdom of Polycarp. Yet, as was the case in the first, second and third centuries (and much of the fourth), Eusebius is silent on the invocation of even Christendom’s honored departed saints.

Often, Augustine of Hippo is cited as being in favour of invocation because he believed the martyrs and departed saints prayed for us and that we could pray for our departed family members. Yet, when I searched his writings on prayer, I did not find the practice of the earthly asking the departed for intercession. Augustine clearly teaches that we should not pray for martyrs, as they are already perfected “in love” but that the do pray for us. He keeps the honor and commemoration of the departed saints. He does not teach prayer or sacrifice addressed to them. Where he speaks of “commending ourselves to their prayers,” the petition still runs to God; they are not made the addressees of latria or of the priest’s invocation.

Despite this period of mostly silence on invocation, by the end of the 5th century, some churches in both the east and western Roman empire begin including invocation in their sermons and liturgical formulas. Festive sermons in both empires more often address the martyr. That is not yet a statistical “most congregations,” and Western sacramentaries of the late fifth and sixth century still vary. Direct “___ hear us on ___” as a fixed public formula spreads slowly and unevenly.

By the end of the 8th century, invocation had become normalized. By 787 the Second Council of Nicaea treats the saints’ intercession as the teaching of the Fathers and hears bishops ask the saints to pray to God for them.

In the hundred and fifty years before the Reformation officially kicked off in 1517 AD, men within the Latin church — such as catholic priests John Wyclif (1328-1384 AD) and Jan Hus (1372-1415 AD) — began to revisit and question the theological legitimacy of invocation. Augustinian fryar Martin Luther followed in the growing catholic dissent against certain matters of dogma. This disagreement combined with many other grievances eventually leading to the catholic schism that birthed the Reformed tradition in the West.

The Ante-Nicene Church displays a consistent and unanimous pattern: prayer is directed to God alone, the departed are honored but not addressed, and no Christian source before the late fourth century approves or models invocation of saints.

After Basil’s proclamation, the Fathers differ for nearly a century over invocation. Then, nearly a half millennia after Christ, it began its climb to normative practice. Is this God giving His bishops continued illumination on the inner workings of Heaven or was it a slow development without apostolic warrant?

Considering the Lord’s own words—prayer to the Father in his name—and the same direction in the Ante-Nicene writers and in many after Nicaea, it is safe to keep what is most sacred, our prayers, addressed to the Creator and to no one else.

Even God-ordained systems like the Levitical Priesthood and Sacrificial System were corrupted over time. Should we be surprised that yet another God-Willed earthbound institution can also be vulnerable to the machinations of human reasoning? However well intended.

Although I will say that I have very few points of disagreement with the original Seven Ecumenical Councils, I do not view these as equivalent to Scripture. And herein is the main difference between the Orthodox and Catholic view of Christendom’s history and that of non-denominational or Reformed Christians. To Catholics and Orthodox believers, the Holy Spirit inspired the authoring of Scripture and later its official Canonization. Which is a belief shared by myself and any Reformed theologian. Yet the Catholic and Orthodox theologians extend the ministry of the Holy Spirit to beyond this and all the way to, at least, the first seven Ecumenical Councils. This is known as the Holy Tradition.

My reflex against extra-biblical traditions being viewed as on par with Scripture comes from warnings from ecclesiastical history. It was the supposed oral traditions of Moses (not included in the Old Testament) that were embraced by the Pharisees and lead to a myriad of theological errors by the time of Christ. Throughout the Old Testament the prophets sent by God to reform Israel emphasized the written word of God as the bedrock of His teachings.

When the Scriptures and the nearly 4 centuries that followed Christ give specific instructions on a matter of faith and doctrine, I will make this my orthodoxy.

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footnotes:

1. Margherita Guarducci, I graffiti sotto la confessione di San Pietro in Vaticano (Vatican City: Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia, 1958)

2. Antonio Ferrua, Le iscrizioni dei cimiteri cristiani antichi di Roma (1953)

3. De Rossi, Roma Sotterranea, vol. II [1867], pp. 211–220; Ferrua, Le iscrizioni dei cimiteri cristiani antichi di Roma, 1953.

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SEE NEXT CHUNK PART 10

see previous chunk part 8

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